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classes of readers; to boys themselves, to those who have been boys at school, and to others who are interested in everything concerning boys. "The Bantam," by Brewer Corcoran will suit all three. The Bantam is a motherless lad who comes from Manila to enter his father's old school, St. Jo's. There is plenty of fighting in the story, for the Bantam has undaunted spirit, but he is a clean-minded, honorable youngster, such as any school would be proud to number as one of its members. The best sort of school spirit is represented, and legitimate ambition is strongly emphasized. The author understands boy nature thoroughly, and while holding to the highest ideals, gives us a book packed with lively incident and adventure. A strain of contagious fun and boy-wit brings a laugh for nearly every page. Harper & Brothers.

A universally appealing situation, one which is repeated again and again in literature, and which seldom fails to win its way among readers of every sort, is the breaking down of a selfish, misanthropic nature through the power of love. Such is the theme of "The Man in Lonely Land," by Kate Langley Bosher. The lonely land is one created by the failure of the hero to see the goodness of the life about him. He is awakened by a sweet and unselfish Southern girl, who comes to New York on a visit. By allowing the lonely man to help her select Christmas gifts for the people at home in Virginia, Claudia Keith opens a door through which he passes to a broader and more satisfactory life. The romance culminates in the springtime at the old Virginia home. The story is enlivened by the presence of two unusually precocious children who are strangely keen and critical of the scientific methods by which they are being brought up. Their ingenuous

observations and remarks are important factors in the development of the plot. Harper & Brothers.

An invaluable pocket volume for students and lovers of Nature is the "Illustrated Key to the Wild and Commonly Cultivated Trees of the Northeastern United States and Adjacent Canada" prepared by J. Franklin Collins and Howard W. Preston (Henry Holt & Co.). The Key is based primarily upon leaf characters, and is so arranged that, by following its simple and untechnical directions for the measurement of leaves, with the accompanying illustrations showing nearly three hundred figures of leaves and bark, whoever uses the volume may place accurately any particular tree which interests him, and may soon be able to recognize any tree which he may come upon in his woodland wanderings. With every leaf outline is given an inch or a quarterinch scale for measurement and a sixinch scale is printed in gilt upon the cover of the book. The possession of this little book will greatly add to the interest of walks through the woods and will open the way to pleasing stores of out-of-door lore. With this book in his pocket, every man who strolls through the woods may be his own guide to their secrets.

Under the title "English Sects," there has been added to the Home University Library a brief history of English Nonconformity by Dr. W. B. Selbie, Principal of Mansfield College, Oxford. The book is written sympathetically, but with tolerance and candor; and is an admirably compact and well-considered sketch of the different sects, the doctrines and principles for which they stand, the political disabilities under which they have labored, the changes, doctrinal and other, through which they have passed, and their present attitude and strength, Henry Holt & Co.

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The two most noteworthy subjects of interest at present regarding Turkey are the development of its people since the revolution and the war with Italy.

As to the first, I would recall the lesson familiar to all from the phrase, "Forty years long was I grieved with this generation," &c., &c., the moral of which is that it takes a generation to convert a nation of slaves into one of free men. The Christian minority of the Osmanli nation have been in slavery for upwards of four and a-half centuries. The Moslem majority have never known any other government than absolutism. Moslems, Christians, and Jews alike still cringe abjectly before the representatives of authority. A daring and courageous band of conspirators four years ago took their lives in their hands, formed a secret Committee for Union and Progress, and overthrew a foul tyranny. The Constitution was restored and a Parliament was assembled. The deputies were untried men. They were almost entirely the nominees of the Committee. The voters knew little or nothing about a Constitution, were often ignorant of the meaning of the word. A more scratch lot of men as legislators can hardly ever have been collected together. A few even among the deputies, though very few, hankered after reaction. The Committee were the real rulers of the Empire, made and unmade ministers, committed blunders everywhere, in the Hauran, in Yemen, and above all in Macedonia and Albania. Many crimes against individuals, including even murder, were committed in their name, and probably by their supporters, if not at their instigation. An opposition soon developed in the Chamber, not against constitutional government, but against the

reckless determination of some members of the Committee to Turkify everything, and to sweep away every obstacle to the accomplishment of their purpose. I wish to emphasize the statement that the Opposition in the Chamber was not in favor of reaction, because some of the unreasoning supporters of the Committee in England during the last year-out of trop de zèle or simple ignorance-have steadily persisted in representing the Opposition as reactionaries. Some of the leading opponents were Greeks, like Bussios Effendi, who were justly roused to indignation at the treatment of the Christians in Macedonia. Others were Moslems, who protested against illegality and oppression quite of the old Hamidean type. Others, like the Albanians, took up the defence of the men of their race when the Committee tried to Turkify them, and notably to compel them to abandon their own language, or at least to write it in Arabic characters. But none of them wanted reac


The result, however, of the haphazard selection of deputies for Parliament, and of the formidable opposition which the Committee aroused, was that the Chamber became unworkablę, and when three months ago it was dissolved, there was a general feeling of relief throughout the country.

In fairness, however, one must look at the position from the point of view of the Committee. They risked their lives when they commenced their task. They won, and would have been mercilessly killed by Abdul Hamid if they had failed. In the one serious attempt made by reactionaries after the revolution, every Committee-man had to go into hiding. Had the attempt of April 13th, 1909, succeeded, men like Ahmed Riza and a score of other leaders would

If reaction

have been slaughtered. should even now triumph, there would be wholesale slaughter. The Committee became more powerful after the attempt at reaction, and for their own safety and in order to create a nation, have kept, and intend to keep, power. They are not going to lose the fruit of their labor. They have blundered badly, and their most serious blunders have justly lowered their reputation, especially in foreign countries. Admitting their blunders, and for the sake of argument, their complicity in the crimes attributed to them-what is the net result? They have kept the machine of government running. Destroy it, and the country would be in anarchy. They have made several notable improvements, and have announced their intention to make more. They have allowed the country to develop itself. They have greatly strengthened the army, and have brought order into the financial administration. With a full recognition of all the faults of the Committee, the people of the country generally are agreed, so far as I can learn, that its condition has improved since the revolution. If the opinion of all the Europeans and Americans in the country could be taken, I believe that while disappointment would be generally expressed at the failure of the hopes aroused by the makers of the revolution, its voice would be unanimous, or nearly so, in declaring that the condition of the country is better than it was four years ago. A few weeks since, in the month of April, I journeyed for about 600 miles in Anatolia to the foot of Mount Taurus, passing through EskiCheir and Konia. The elections were in full swing, or had recently been completed. I heard many well-founded complaints of the irregularities of the elections, but everybody with whom I spoke on the subject admitted that, though much remained to be done, the

condition of the country had improved. The people, Moslems and Christians alike, took singularly little interest in the elections or in the political condition of the country. Those who did were of various opinions. According to many, there was little difference between Ittilafs (members of the Opposition) and Ittihats (supporters of the Committee of Union and Progress). I was told that the partisans of the Opposition stated that the Committee wished to change the mosques into Christian churches. In so far as they made such statements, they appealed to Moslem fanaticism and ignorance, but I do not believe that such statements produced serious effect. The Moslems smiled incredulously as they repeated what had been said. They knew that the roads were more secure, that all alike could travel freely, and they had heard from an occasional trained gendarme that the Committee was resolved to keep order, and from the soldiers that the discipline of the army was better than it had ever been. The question of religion hardly entered into discussion.

As we learned by the end of April, the Committee of Union and Progress swept the country in the elections. The Opposition, known among Europeans as the Liberal Entente, simply disappeared. Many causes contributed to this result, the chief being want of organization. The Committee of Union and Progress used every means it could think of to achieve its victory. In one vilayet the Governor called all the officials and told them that if they were not prepared to vote for the candidates of the Committee, the Government would have no need of their services. Pressure was brought to bear in a dozen forms to compel or induce voters to support the Committee. Unless the reports are false, and there is no reason to believe that such is the case, voters known to be hostile were ruth

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