paraded for a very brief period, then laid aside, and finally altogether lost. Those ancient vestigia should never be disturbed without the superintendence of most careful and competent persons, otherwise it is the duty of every one to discourage this practice; because robbing those ancient depositaries of their valueless but sacred remains not only injures the monuments themselves, but destroys the hallowed associations of the places to which they belonged, while not one case in a hundred can be cited as having added anything to the knowledge previously possessed. Here are the desolated remains of a once magnificent cromlech, whose circular line of heaven-pointing obelisks symbolized that celestial crown deemed the just reward of a pious life, at one time or other, wantonly abused and left to fall into utter ruin. Why should it be so? A more significant monument to the abstract principle of virtue could not be reared, and if it has commemorated for thousands of years an example worthy of emulation, while the name of its locality has animated the minds of countless generations of the human race with the hope of an eternal recompense for the fulfilment of their duties, it might still continue to serve the same great and ennobling purpose, and should therefore incite its proprietor to improve its condition, and secure it against future desecration. This relic stands in the middle of a ploughed field without the slightest fence to protect it, and from its ruinous and precarious condition it need not be surprising if in a few years it falls to pieces, and ultimately disappears, to the deep regret of all who take an interest in the material remains of the long-forgotten past. It still exists as an interesting link between the present time and the prehistoric era; but if much longer neglected its fate is certain, and once gone no power on earth can replace it. It will be lost for ever with all its associations, and I for one should be sorry to let it pass away if it were possible to preserve it. If properly cared for, and enclosed within a circular avenue of trees, it would form a most magnificent ornament to the locality, as well as an object of lasting antiquarian interest,—but to say the least, a very little might secure it from utter ruin, and it occurs to me that if the members of the Glasgow Archæological Society would interest themselves in its preservation by an appeal to its proprietor, or even get permission to restore it themselves, they would secure the grateful thanks of all lovers of antiquity, not only of the present day but of future generations, for having saved from annihilation one of the finest specimens of its kind in the whole of Scotland. NO. XXXII. NOTES AND CONJECTURES RELATIVE TO THE OLD ROMAN BY ALEXANDER GALLOWAY, Esq. [Read at a Meeting of the Glasgow Archæological Society held on 25th March, 1867.] THE features of the country, including the heights, distances, and position of prominent objects, and the exact course of streams and roads, having now been accurately delineated on the Ordnance maps, we are enabled to apprehend their true relations better than we formerly could. The contour lines, or lines of equal height above sea level, are of much practical use, and students of our early local history will regard with satisfaction the new facilities for tracing the Roman walls, roads, camps, and forts, wherever vestiges of these remain. This evening I am permitted to occupy half an hour of your time in submitting remarks that have occurred to me upon careful consideration of some details in those maps, in connection with long personal knowledge of the district to which they refer. In a paper containing remarks on the agricultural condition of Clydesdale during the Roman period, which I read at a meeting of this Society in December 1864, there was introduced a description of Roman military roads, including the main south and north one, from the east end of the Solway Firth, by Lockerbie, Moffat, Tinto, and Lanark, to Antoninus' Wall at Castlecary, and thence by Camelon, Larbert, Torwood, St. Ninian's, Stirling, Dunblane; also a westward branch road from Crawford up the Glengonar valley by Leadhills and Sanquhar to Ayr; another westward branch road from Lanark by Stonebyres, Strathaven, Newmilns, and Kilmarnock to Irvine; and a second westward branch road from Lanark by Wishaw, Bothwell, and Rutherglen, the camp at Paisley, and the Clyde ferries. There were also noticed eastward lines, as one from the head of the Tweed along its banks to Melrose, one from Roberton down the south side of the Clyde and by Biggar to the Tweed road, and others. The principal camps connected by these roads were referred to, particularly Crawford, Lanark, and Paisley; likewise some of the minor camps, outposts, and observation forts. I do not presume to suppose that the old Roman military system of fortifications, and their general arrangements for occupation of Scotland, are not well known by every member of this Society, and by every Scottish antiquarian. Ever since Timothy Pont's publications, 250 years ago, the subject has been a continual source of interest to each new generation of our countrymen. The writings of Camden and Dr. Irvine about 1686, Sir Robert Sibbald later, Gordon 1731, Horsely 1732, Roy 1785 to 1795, followed by a host of others, and more especially the Caledonia Romana of our townsman, Mr. Robert Stuart, published 1845 and 1852 (he died in 1848), have been studied by many thousands, and are still consulted by probably all who seek to make themselves informed about the early history of Scotland. But details will escape the memory sometimes when we have need of them for present purposes, and I may be pardoned if I enumerate a few leading ones of a general kind, as introductory to the special matter I wish to lay before you, and in order that we may turn with more advantage to the consideration of it. Among the Roman writings commonly referred to, the principal are Tacitus's History of Agricola, Capitolinus's Life of Antoninus Pius, the works of Herodian, Dion Cassius, Pliny, and Ammianus Marcellinus. Various other writers of the time made occasional mention of Britain and its affairs. Before Agricola left the island, in the year 85 of our era, the number of Roman troops in it, under his command, was reported as 37,500. The historian states that in his fourth campaign (year 80) he constructed a great number of forts between the Clyde and the Forth, as a base of operations northward, which served also for defending the country southward. Three years afterwards he advanced into the country north of these, conquered up to the Tay, and completed various roads, camps, and forts. His successors seem to have had difficulty in maintaining steady possession so far, and the emperor Hadrian, in 120, resolved to abandon all that part of the island north of the Tyne. His successor, Antoninus Pius, ordered his general, Urbicus, to advance, in 140, and take measures for secure occupation. Urbicus accordingly took possession up to the Tay, and remaining twenty years in the country, he employed many troops in the construction of fortifications. About 208 the emperor Severus conquered the country north of the Tay up to Burghead on the Moray Firth, and established camps and other military works, which seem to have been occupied, without much molestation, more than half-a-century. Afterwards, from time to time, the northern people and their allies became restless and made many incursions. About 425 the Roman troops were finally withdrawn to defend the capital and its nearer provinces from the Teutonic people, who were making alarming progress as con querors. In advancing northward to the Clyde and Kelvin valleys, Agricola and his engineers could not fail to observe the remarkable facilities here presented to them for drawing an effective military cordon across the island. Between the firths the distance was only some 30 miles; a broad hollow course, in almost a straight line, with streams and marshes, lay before them, as if nature had intended to mark a division of the country; behind, southward, a large area of compara tively level land, extending between the two seas, and back to the Cheviot and Tinto mountain ranges; in front, northward, the Ochils, the Campsie fells, and the Kilpatrick and Dumbarton mountains, looking like a monstrous natural line of wall about 1500 feet high. According to what they deemed the exigencies of the position, they would mark out sites for camps and outposts. The more important of these would have to be at the extremities, and opposite the mountain passes. Thus, for the west end, they would see it fit to secure the Leven Valley and the fords of the Clyde; at the east end they would have the advantage of very extensive marshes in the Kersie, Dunmore, Falkirk, and Stirling carse lands up to Camelon, where they would have to post considerable bodies of troops; in the centre, the Allander, Campsie, and Kilsyth passes were of comparatively easy defence. Against incursions by sea, they would have to provide coast roads and posts from the Clyde to the Solway, and from Camelon to Berwick or Newcastle. All this, we are told, was comprehended in their plan, and was carried into execution. When, at a later period, the Romans proceeded to occupy the greater part of the island north of the Clyde and Forth, they established, as has been already observed, numerous camps, some of them of what were called a permanent, and others of a temporary character. Most of our popular writers have assumed that these stations did not infer more than conquest, and that very soon after conquer ing the rude natives the Romans retreated to within their fortifications in the south. This is plausible on the assumption that the inhabitants were sparsely scattered over the surface of the country, and were poor, rude, and barbarous. But, although Roman historians were pleased to describe them in such terms, it is by no means certain that the description was correct. These writers thought it proper uniformly to disparage all who seriously presumed to question Roman greatness and glory, or to threaten its power. Literary men living in Rome had imperfect and rather romantic notions concerning distant islanders and other remote peoples. They wrote under such false impressions as prevailed among their ill-informed neighbours, and, in order to please, they had to embellish and exaggerate. From the time of the old Romans downwards, historical writers of all countries have made themselves liable to similar reflections, and perhaps we may not unreasonably suppose that a popular desire for something new and wonderful will always find abundant gratification in the same line. In thinking of the matter now, we have to ask ourselves, why, if the inhabitants of the northern end of the island were as they have been described, did their conquerors find it necessary to construct so many formidable military works in their country? The Norman Dykes entrenched camp on the north bank of the Dee, 8 miles from Aberdeen, occupied no less than 108 acres. The Rae Dykes camp, near Auchterloss village, at the head of the Ythan, is described as still larger, viz., 120 acres, and another of the same name near Stonehaven, 95 acres. Each of these was calculated to contain from 25,000 to nearly 40,000 soldiers, with their provisions and whole appointments. In Perthshire and Forfarshire there were the Ardoch camps, 125 acres and 5 acres; Fortingall, 85 acres; Battledykes, 80 acres; Harefaulds, 54 acres; Inchtuthil, 53 acres; Grassywalls, 50 acres; Fendoch, 45 acres; Cupar Angus, 33 acres; Dalgenross, 26 acres; War Dykes, 25 acres; Strageith, 21 acres and 1 acre; Hatton, 20 acres; Bertha, 15 acres; Invergowrie, 8 acres. These were all strongly entrenched camps, the remains of which are still to be seen, notwithstanding the partial removal of materials and the disintegrating effects of our harsh climate in the long course of 1500 years. The traces of many minor encampments, fortified outposts and roads in that region, and in Fifeshire, as at Carnock, Dunfermline, and Burntisland, also remain. How then can we assume that its inhabitants were not numerous and formidable, rather |