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that in the reign of Queen Mary, an "Act touching weavers was passed,1 whereby it was sought to remedy this condition of things. The beginnings of the factory system evidently did not commend themselves to sixteenth-century statesmen. The Preamble to the Act sets forth very clearly the state of things in the manufacturing industry at this time. The weavers of this realm," it says, "have, as well in this present Parliament as at divers other times, complained that the rich and wealthy clothiers do in many ways oppress them-some by setting up and keeping in their houses divers looms, and keeping and maintaining them by journeymen and persons unskilful, to the decay of a great number of artificers which were brought up in the said science of weaving, with their families and households-some by engrossing of looms in their hands and possession, and letting them out at such unreasonable rents that the poor artificers are not able to maintain themselves, much less to maintain their wives, families, and children-some also by giving much less wages and hire for weaving and workmanship than in times past they did, whereby they [i.e. the workmen] are forced utterly to forsake their art and occupation, wherein they have been brought up." The Statute then goes on to enact that "no person using the feat or mystery of clothmaking shall keep or retain or have in their houses and possession any more than one woollen loom at a time," if they live outside a city, borough, or market town; nor shall they "directly or indirectly receive or take any manner of profit, gain, or commodity by letting or setting any loom," on pain of a fine of twenty shillings. Weavers who live in the towns are not to have more than two looms. The intention of the Act obviously was to prevent the clothmanufacture from falling into the power of large capitalistemployers, such as the millowners of the present day; and though, of course, such an Act was in the end powerless to arrest the progress of a system which necessarily resulted from the development of industry, it is certainly interesting as showing how far that development had already proceeded.

1 The 2 and 3 Philip and Mary, c. 11.

The time of the factory with its capitalist master and hundreds of "hands" had not yet arrived, but already this glimmer of dawn was announcing the approaching day.

§ 145. Monopolies of Manufacturing Towns. Another important sign of the growth of manufactures is seen in the fruitless attempts made in the sixteenth century to confine a particular manufacture to a particular town. This is a sure indication that the manufacture of that article was increasing in country districts, and that competition was operating in a new and unexpected way upon the older industries. An example of this may be seen in the monopoly granted by Parliament in Henry VIII.'s reign1 (1530) to Bridport in Dorsetshire, "for the making of cables, hawsers, ropes, and all other tackling." This monopoly was granted upon the complaint made by the citizens of Bridport, that their town "was like to be utterly decayed," owing to the competition of "the people of the adjacent parts," who were therefore by this monopoly forbidden to make any sort of rope. The only result of this measure, however, was to transfer the rope-making industry from Dorset to Yorkshire, and Bridport was in a worse plight than before.

In the same reign (1534) the inhabitants of Worcester, Evesham, Droitwich, Kidderminster, and Bromsgrove, then almost the only towns in Worcestershire, complained 2 that "divers persons dwelling in the hamlets, thorps, and villages of the county made all manner of cloths, and exercised shearing, fulling, and weaving within their own houses, to the great depopulation of the city and towns." A monopoly was granted to the towns, the only result of which was that they became poorer than before, a great portion of the local industry being transferred to Leeds. A little later (1544) the citizens of York complain 3 of the competition of "sundry evil-disposed persons and apprentices," who had "withdrawn themselves out of the city into the country," and competed with York in the manufacture 121 Henry VIII., c. 12. 2 Cf. the 25 Henry VIII., c. 18.

Cf. the 34 and 35 Henry VIII., c. 10.

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of coverlets and blanketings. York obtained a monopoly, but her manufactures gained nothing thereby. These monopolies granted to towns should not be confused with others granted to individuals for trading purposes. Of this other class we shall speak later. The monopolies of towns here mentioned are, however, interesting as illustrating the growth of manufactures in all parts of the kingdom, and useful as showing the futility of merely protective enact

ments.

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§ 146. Exports of Manufactures and Foreign Trade. Besides these monopolies, we have ample evidence of the growth of our cloth manufactures in the statements made by the historian Guicciardini (1523-89), as to our exports to Antwerp. "It is marvellous," he says, "to think of the vast quantity of drapery sent by the English into the Netherlands, being undoubtedly one year with another above 200,000 pieces of all kinds, which, at the most moderate rate of 25 crowns per piece, is 5,000,000 crowns, so that these and other merchandise brought by the English to us, or carried from us to them, may make the annual amount to more than 12,000,000 crowns," which is equivalent to some £2,400,000. The evidence of the Elizabethan writer Harrison 2 on this point is also interesting. "The wares that they (i.e. merchants) carry out of the realm are for the most part broad-cloths and kersies of all colours; likewise cottons, friezes, rugs, tin, wool, our best beer, baize, fustian, mockadoes (tufted and plain), lead, fells, etcetera; which, being shipped at sundry ports of our coasts, are borne from thence into all quarters of the world, and there either exchanged for other wares or ready money, to the great gain and commodity of our merchants." Here it will be seen how important a place English cloth manufactures take in Harrison's somewhat confused list of exports; while the other commodities mentioned, such as lead and skins or fells, show that the older staples of our

1 Quoted in Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, ii. 127. "Harrison, Description of England, Book III. ch. iv., edition 1557; pages 10 and 11 in the Camelot Series edition.

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trade were still worthy of notice. Harrison also makes a very interesting remark upon the direction as well as the character of our foreign trade, which is well worth quoting. Whereas in times past," he says,1 "their chief trade was into Spain, France, Flanders, Danske (Denmark), Norway, Scotland, and Ireland only, now in these days, as men not contented with these journeys, they have sought out the East and West Indies, and made now and then suspicious voyages, not only unto the Canaries and New Spain (i.e., Spanish America), but likewise into Cathay, Muscovy, and Tartaria, and the regions thereabout, from whence, as they say, they bring home great commodities. But alas!" he

adds, "I see not by all their travel that the prices of things are any whit abated." The rise in prices, however, was not due, as Harrison thought it was, to the increase of trade, but to other causes upon which we have already commented. One other remark of his is worth attention, as showing not only the growth of commerce but the importance of the merchant class in the social life of the country: "They often change estate with gentlemen, as gentlemen do with them, by a mutual conversion of one into the other." 2 At one time this would have been impossible, but this mention of the fact shows us how far the old order had changed.

§ 147. The Flemish Immigration.

English progress in manufactures and trade was also about this time greatly aided by the arrival of Dutch and Flemish Protestant refugees who fled from the persecutions of Roman Catholic rulers to a more tolerant country. This immigration of foreign Protestants had begun, as we saw,3 some time before the days of Elizabeth, but it increased in numbers soon after Elizabeth's accession, when the death of Mary had relieved England from the fear of Romish persecution. A numerous body of Flemings came over in 1561, and starting from Deal, spread to Sandwich, Rye, 1 Harrison, Description of England, Book III. ch. iv., edition 1577; pages 10 and 11 in the Camelot Series edition. 2 Ib., p. 9, Camelot edition.

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Above, p. 221, note 3.

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and other parts of Kent.1 Another body settled in Norwich, and over Norfolk generally. In 1570 there were 4000 natives of the Netherlands in Norwich alone.3 There was also an important settlement in Colchester. After the sack of Antwerp in 1585, the immigration largely increased. The new arrivals introduced or improved many manufactures, such as those of silk, cutlery, clock-making, hats, and pottery. But the greatest improvements they made were in weaving and lace-making. They greatly developed every sort of workmanship in wool and flax." 6 The lace manufacture was introduced by refugees from Alençon and Valenciennes into Cranfield (Beds.), and from that town it extended to Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire, and Northamptonshire; while other immigrants founded the manufacture of the well-known Honiton lace in Devon." It is interesting thus to notice how much we owed to foreign teachers in earlier times, for the reigns of Edward III., Elizabeth, and later of Charles II., were all signalised by large influxes of people from the Low Countries, bringing with them increased skill and often considerable capital.

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An interesting testimony to the influence of these refugees is afforded by Harrison in his Description of England. Speaking about our wool, he remarks: time past the use of this commodity consisted for the most part in cloth and woolsteds, but now, by means of strangers succoured here from domestic persecution, the same hath been employed unto sundry other uses; as mockados, bays, vellures, grograines, &c., whereby the makers have reaped no small commodity."

§ 148. Monopolies.

The influences above mentioned all tended to promote the growth of our manufactures, and there was, besides, considerable industrial progress. It is noticeable, however,

1 Romance of Trade, p. 114; Lecky, History of Eighteenth Century, i. 191; Boys, History of Sandwich, p. 740; and Cunningham, Eng. Ind., ii. 36. ? Moens, The Walloons (Huguenot Society), 18, 79, 264. 3 Bourne, Romance of Trade, p. 115.

4 Cunningham, ii. 37.
• Ib.,
P. 115.

5 Bourne, Romance of Trade, p. 114.
8 Book III, ch. viii., ed. 1577; Camelot series ed., p. 155.

7 Ib.

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