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refuse the coin of the realm, and the government was forced to take action 1. The Statutum de Falsa Moneta (1299), supplemented by a statute ascribed to Edward II., endeavoured to go to the root of the evil by forbidding any one to bring in foreign money 2. But in the main the government was chiefly concerned to prevent money from leaving the country. Edward III. took steps to prevent the export of coin; his action had nothing to do with the later mercantilist doctrine that money is wealth, or that abundance of money is the sign and symbol of power. England was alarmed at the prospect of losing its store of precious metals, used for economic purposes as instruments of exchange; for throughout the Middle Ages, until the discovery of America, the supply was inadequate. In 1335 an act provided that no one "shall carry any sterling out of the realm of England", and “that no pilgrim pass outside our realm to foreign parts, except through Dover, under pain of a year's imprisonment "-in order that they should not take gold out of the country. In 1343 the prohibition was repeated that bullion should not be carried out of the realm, "in any manner nor for any cause whatsoever" 4. In spite of legislation, the export of money apparently went on without intermission; it was the ground of complaint in 13515, and though another statute was passed in 1364, murmurs were again renewed under Richard II. in 13797 that the country was being depleted of money. Three years later the officers of the mint gave warning that money was leaving the country, and what remained was becoming deteriorated; if remedy were not speedily applied, "where you think to have five shillings you will not have four". The advice of Richard Aylesbury was that if the merchandise exported from England were well and rightly governed, the money that is in this country would remain, and much money would come from beyond the sea; that is to say, foreign merchandise ought not to be brought within the realm in a greater

1 Letter Book C, 28.

3 Statutes, i. 132, 219.

i. 236.

4 Statutes, i. 299.

• Statutes, i. 383.

For A.-S. legislation, see Liebermann, Gesetze, 3 Statutes, i. 273; Statham, Dover Charters, 101. 5 Rot. Parl. ii. 228 b.

Rot. Parl. iii. 64 a.

Attacks upon aliens.

quantity than the value of the native merchandise which passes out of the realm1. Accordingly, an act (1382) was passed forbidding the export of gold and silver. Here, again, the importance of having a plentiful supply of money for purposes of circulation is sufficient to explain the motive of Richard's measures. It was easy enough to forbid the export of money; it was more difficult to prevent it. In 1390 a concession was made, by which aliens were to expend one half of the money they received on English goods, and might carry the other half out of the realm. Henry IV. at first adopted this plan 4, but subsequently insisted that all the money received by foreign merchants in England must be laid out on English goods 3. In the next reign (1420) the Commons again petitioned that no one should take money out of the country ; and on several occasions (1423, 1429 and 1449) the prohibition was enjoined under Henry VI., and foreign merchants were ordered to find surety that they would neither compel payment in gold, nor refuse silver, nor carry gold or silver out of the kingdom 7. The prohibition was repeated in later reigns (1465, 1478, 1489, 1510, 1512) 8, and even under Elizabeth alien merchants are found complaining that they were not always able to employ their money within the period of three months assigned to them".

The hostility towards alien strangers found expression in many riots and disturbances, which were largely the work of interested rivals. The Lombards were attacked in London in 1359 10, and foreign merchants were roughly handled both in London and throughout the country at the time of the Peasants' Revolt. "Many Flemings",

1 Rot. Parl. iii. 126-127 (1382). One of the Articles in the Yorkist Commercial Grievances states: It is needful for to know how the money, gold and silver, goeth into divers realms and countries. And how for to let [hinder] it, that it should not pass. And how to get it again": Kingsford, Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century, 362.

5 Ibid. ii. 138.

3 Statutes, ii. 76. Confirmed ibid. ii. 145.

2 Statutes, ii. 17; Rot. Parl. iii. 102 a.
4 Ibid. ii. 122.

Rot. Parl. iv. 126 b (1420).

7 Statutes, ii. 219 (1423), 257 (1429), 349 (1449).

8 Ibid. ii. 413 (1465), 452 (1478), 546 (1489); iii. 7 (1510), 23 (1512). Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik, ii. 379, No. 77.

10 Riley, Memorials, 302.

observes a London chronicler, "lost their heads at that time, and namely they that could not say Bread and Cheese but Brod and Case "1. The Hansards were only saved from destruction by their strong walls, which defied the malice of their enemies. Attention has already been drawn to the multitude of petitions against aliens under the later Lancastrian dynasty, and the resentment culminated in the famous riots of 1456 and 1457. After the second riot the Venetians, Genoese and Florentines resolved to withdraw from London, and Winchester was proposed as the new centre of commerce. Even a century earlier, a scheme to abandon London on account of its persistent hostility to alien traders had been contemplated. A Genoese merchant urged upon the king to make Southampton the seat of traffic, and was assassinated through the jealousy of the London traders 2. The Venetian Senate, as will be seen, approved of the proposal and forbade its merchants to resort to London, but eventually the Italians once again returned 3. In 1517 another outbreak occurred: "In this year on May Day, which is called Ill May Day, was there an insurrection in London of young persons against aliens of the which divers were put to execution, and the residue came to Westminster with halters about their necks and were pardoned "4. Not only in London but elsewhere, we have glimpses of the disturbed relations between burgesses and strangers; thus early in the fourteenth century there were risings at Norwich, in which foreign traders were driven from the city 5. But in spite of these unpleasant incidents, the resident alien merchants had a share in national movements and played their part in the civic life of London, in its pageantry and processions. When Henry VI. returned to London after his coronation at Paris, the citizens rode out to welcome him.

1 Kingsford, Chronicles of London, 15. At Yarmouth the insurgents beheaded three Flemings (Powell, The East Anglia Rising, 32), and elsewhere there was great hostility displayed (ibid. 63).

3 Walsingham (Roll Series), i. 407 (1379).

3 Infra, p. 470. There were two distinct riots; see R. Flenley, "London and Foreign Merchants in the Reign of Henry VI.", in English Hist. Review, xxv. 650.

4 Flenley, Six Town Chronicles, 192; Holinshed, Chronicles, iii. 617-624. 5 Vict. County Hist. Norfolk, ii. 480 (1312).

The Hanseatic League.

"And for to remember of other aliens :
First Genoese though they were strangers,
Florentines and the Venetians,

And Easterlings clad in their manners "1,

rode after the mayor to meet the king. The chronicler records that when Queen Mary was received into the city, the pageants of the strangers-the Genoese, Hansards and Florentines-" were the mightiest "2.

Foremost among the aliens who flocked to these shores were the merchants of the Hanseatic League, known as the Easterlings, who from early times exercised extensive privileges which were denied to others. They are described by Wheeler in his Treatise of Commerce, written at the end of the sixteenth century, as "people of certain free towns in the Empire", of which the chief were Lübeck, the head of the League, Danzig and Brunswick 3, all closely united in an offensive and defensive alliance for purposes of commerce. Originally formed as a mercantile league, they developed into a great political state which dominated the north of Europe, and at one time even subdued Denmark. They acquired large franchises in different countries, and were assigned places of residence at Bergen in Norway, at Novgorod in Russia, and at Bruges in the Low Countries, while their position in England was more privileged than anywhere else. They were already settled in this country in Anglo-Saxon times, and prior to the formation of the Hanseatic League had obtained special immunities. In the twelfth century (1157) Henry II. concluded an alliance with the Emperor Barbarossa, which sought to stimulate commercial intercourse between merchants of the Empire and England. At the same time he took under his protection the London house of the men of Cologne 5, and

3

1 Kingsford, Chronicles of London, 98.

2 "Two London Chronicles ", in Camden Miscellany, xii. 29.

John Wheeler, A Treatise of Commerce (1601), 62-63. For a general sketch of Hanseatic history, see H. Zimmern, Hansa Towns (1889).

4 Hakluyt, Voyages (ed. 1903), i. 316. For privileges enjoyed by the Men of the Emperor in earlier times, see supra, pp. 444, 458.

5

J. M. Lappenberg, Urkundliche Geschichte des Hansischen Stahlhofes zu London (1851), ii. 6.

Richard I. freed them from taxes for a time in return for their contributions towards his ransom 1; at this period Cologne was the most important commercial town. in Germany, owning a Hanse in London as early as 1157. Its immunities were confirmed by John 2 in 1213, while Henry III. in 1235 released them from the yearly rent of two shillings which they paid for their Gildhall in London, as well as from other customs and exactions. He further gave them freedom safely to go and safely to come throughout the whole realm, to resort to fairs, and to buy and sell both in London and elsewhere 3. These privileges were

gradually extended to other towns, and in 1257 the men of Lübeck, Brunswick and Denmark received a charter conferring similar franchises 4. At the instance of his brother Richard, King of the Romans, Henry also confirmed (1260) the ancient privileges of merchants, who had the house in London "commonly called the Gildhall of the Teutons "5. Subsequently (1266) the merchants of Hamburg were granted a separate Hanse throughout the realm, “in the same way as the merchants and burgesses of Cologne have their Hanse "6. These concessions to Teutonic merchants were intended to win their allegiance to Richard, for it was distinctly added: "provided that the said burghers do in the meantime behave themselves well and faithfully towards our elected brother". These privileges of the Hansards were confirmed by Edward I. and Edward II.o.

of the

Hansards.

"Among the privileges ", says Wheeler, "one was to Privileges carry out and bring in wares for an old custom of one and a quarter upon the hundred, and were thereby exempt from all personal or real contribution which all other merchants

1 Lappenberg, Urkundliche Geschichte des Hansischen Stahlhofes zu London, ii. 7. 2 Ibid. ii. 7 seq.

3 Hakluyt, i. 322; Riley, Liber Custumarum, i. 66. 4 Hakluyt, i. 324. Lübeck's charter was renewed in 1267: Patent Rolls, 1266-1272, p. 23. Brunswick also received privileges in 1230 : ibid. 1225-1232, P. 415.

"

Rymer, i. part i. 398; Hakluyt, i. 326. Riley regards this "Gildhall of the Teutons as originally distinct from the Hanse of Cologne (Liber Custumarum, i. p. xlii). Possibly, however, they were identical (Kingsford, Stow's Survey of London, ii. 278, 319).

6 Patent Rolls, 1266-1272, PP. 5, 23.

Hakluyt, i. 324.

8 Rymer, i. part ii. 588 (1280); ibid. ii. part i. 137 (1311).

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