"It will be a matter of deep regret to me, if the occurrences which have lately taken place in Italy, should eventually lead to any interruption of tranquillity in that quarter; but it will, in such case, be my great object to secure to my people the continuance of peace.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "The measures by which, in the last Session of Parliament, you made provision for the expenses of my civil government, and for the honour and dignity of the crown, demand my warmest acknowledgments.

"I have directed that the estimates for the current year shall be laid before you; and it is a satisfaction to me to have been enabled to make some reduction in our military establishments..

"You will observe from the accounts of the public revenue, that notwithstanding the receipts in Ireland have proved materially deficient, in consequence of the unfortunate circumstances which have affected the commercial credit of that part of the united kingdom, and although our foreign trade, during the early part of this time, was in a state of depression, the total revenue has, nevertheless, exceeded that of the preceding year.

"A considerable part of this increase must be ascribed to the new taxes; but in some of those branches which are the surest indications of internal wealth, the augmentation has fully realized any expectation which could have been reasonably formed of it.

"The separate provision which was made for the Queen, as Princess of Wales, in the year 1814, terminated with the demise of his late Majesty.

"I have, in the mean time, directed advances, as authorized by law; and

it will, under present circumstances, be for you to consider what new ar rangements should be made on this subject.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "I have great pleasure in being able to acquaint you, that a considerable improvement has taken place within the last half year, in several of the most important branches of our commerce and manufactures; and that, in many of the manufacturing districts, the distresses which prevailed at the commencent of the last session of Parliament have greatly abated.

"It will be my most anxious desire to concur in every measure which may be considered as calculated to advance our internal prosperity.

"I well know, that, notwithstanding the agitation produced by temporary circumstances, and amidst the distress which still presses upon a large portion of my subjects, the firmest reliance may be placed on that affectionate and loyal attachment to my person and government, of which I have recently received so many testimonials from all parts of my kingdom; and which, whilst it is most grateful to the strongest feelings of my heart, I shall ever consider as the best and surest safeguard of my Throne.

"In the discharge of the important duties imposed upon you, you will, I am confident, be sensible of the indispensable necessity of promoting and maintaining, to the utmost of your power, a due obedience to the laws, and of instilling into all classes of my subjects, a respect for lawful authority, and for those established institutions under which the country has been enabled to overcome so many difficulties, and to which, under Providence, may be ascribed our happiness and renown, as a nation."

On the following day, the debate, as usual, took place on the address. It was moved in the Lords by the Earl of Belmore, and seconded by Lord Prudhoe; while, in the Commons, the mover was Mr G. Bankes, and the seconder Mr James Browne, (member for Mayo). These gentle men, as usual, went over the various topics referred to in the speech. They congratulated the House on the testimonies of loyalty, and of regard for religion and the laws, which had flowed in from every part of the kingdom-upon the assurances of amity received from foreign powers, on whose proceedings it might at the same time be necessary to look with a watchful eye-upon the degree of improvement which had taken place in the commerce and manufactures of the country-and upon the reduction proposed by his Majesty, in the military establishment. Ireland was mentioned as the only part of the empire still labouring under distress, which, however, its inhabitants had borne in the most heroic manner, and which, it was hoped, would soon be relieved.

cence is no shield; and at a time when the evil eye of discontent not only envies its neighbour's goods, but covets its neighbour's character, we have, sir, to dread and to repel one general levelling system, both of property and of good name. The barrier of the Constitution will not fall down at the first giddy shout of the multitude; the high tribunals, which are its bulwarks, will yet stand, though treason deny their authority, and conscious guilt their justice; blasphemy may rail at the holy place, and hypocrisy defile it with her pageants, long, long before the dome will totter; but the ruin must come at last, if the remedy be not fitly interposed. When the league of what is base and false, profligate and malicious, shall unite honour and integrity to oppose it, the evil then works its own cure, and the remedy is near at hand; we know its efficacy, we have proved it scarce a twelvemonth since. In the shows and processions of the year which has just expired, who but must have called to mind the like exhibitions of the twelvemonth which preceded it? The music, the march, and the banner, the meeting, the resolution, and address; those first were the very prototypes of these last arrays: the same in their real origin, and in their real object, differing only in their method of pursuing it; the first pursued its object by denouncing the aristocracy; the second by denouncing the crown: the aristocracy was then true to itself; the representatives of the people were then faithful, and if the highest duties of fidelity be now as well fulfilled, the country is yet safe. If we turn our eyes from the cares of domestic solicitude and look abroad, the whole world is to us a scene of calm, of tranquillity; our flag flies on every sea-our busy industry plies in every port-our merchants are the rulers of kingdoms-our character every

Mr G. Bankes, in his animated speech, made pretty close application to events which had caused so much recent agitation. In a nation, in which all are free, folly must have her freedom, and mischief will mark her for its tool: folly will discharge her debts of gratitude by denying their amount, by forgetting the danger from which she has been deliver ed, though ever when in peril herself the loudest to complain, and the foremost to despair. He afterwards added," it is no new thing for slander to arraign all that is high and holy; but the tongue of slander, however venomous, can inflict no wound-can effect no puncture in the character that is sound and whole-it is the pen of the libeller, against which inno

where high, and our credit everywhere firm."

Mr Browne, as an Irish member, dwelt particularly on the state of that kingdom. This was a subject in which he felt so deep an interest, that even if he should be supposed to have departed a little from the course usual upon such occasions, he hoped he should be forgiven. For his part, he could not consider it irrelevant, until he should believe that there existed a separate interest between the two countries composing this empire until he should believe that their destinies were not interwoven, and that they must not stand and fall together. By some of those infatuations which sometimes afflicted wisdom itself, Ireland, hitherto, unfortunately, the subject of cold debates and short consultations-what had been her deportment during those agitations? Not the meanest of her populacenot the most furious demagogue, had strained his vice to applaud depravity-none had attempted to exalt affronted debauchery into suffering, dignified virtue; and, above all, none had presumed to outrage society by the introduction of a new doctrine new even to the professors of profligacy in this country-that which granted to female manners the same licence which society endures in men, the very distinction between which it was that stood between society and national prostration.

In reply to these speakers, it was observed by the Opposition members, that the royal speech was of so cautious and negative a character, that they found little room to object to what it actually said, or to propose any counter address. Its sins were those of omission. They found in it none of those topics on which a British ministry, at such a crisis, might have been expected to dilate. While

admiring and sharing those sentiments of loyalty which the country in general had so strongly expressed, it was impossible not to remark, that these had in no degree been coupled with any approbation of the conduct of ministers. Lord Grey, on the contrary, would venture to assert, that public opinion was most unfavourable to them; and he might have thence expected that some intention would be expressed of changing that fatal policy so long pursued. Mr Tierney saw indeed, in the speech, that loyal addresses were declared by the King to be most grateful to the strongest feelings of his heart. If heartfelt satisfaction had resulted from them, he firmly believed it belonged altogether to the King; for the addressers had taken especial care that no attempt should in any manner be made through these addresses to give satisfaction to any other person but the King himself; there was not a word of satisfaction for his ministers, (a laugh)— quite the reverse; for the only chance of carrying them was to say nothing of the acts of ministers; there was only one man in the kingdom for whom the heartfelt satisfaction was intended, and he was glad that that man was his Majesty. He should be glad if any of the gentlemen opposite could point out to him one word in any of the addresses which could be construed into an approval of any of the measures of administration; no, not one word; and he made the appeal to the present set of gentlemen, who were so good as to take upon themselves the care of the affairs of the country. There was candour at least in ministers not asking any of their friends to put in a single word of approbation of their measures.

Next, as to the improvement in national industry, it had taken place only in a few departments, even of

manufacture, while the vital branch of agriculture continued still in the most deplorable state.

Mr Curwen would ask, could the noble lord be really ignorant that the agricultural interests were in so wretched a condition, that even no abatement would, after some time, induce the cultivators of the land to go on with their labours? Knowing, as he did, their privations, their disappointments, their sufferings, he could not but call on every mind to admire their exemplary patience.There were men, however, who arro gated to themselves the monopoly of all the loyalty in the country; but the conduct of a community which had borne unexampled hardships with an unparalleled spirit of endurance, proved that loyalty was not an exclusive possession-that it was not confined to this or to that set of men, but was the great characteristic of the country. This being the case, he was sorry to find that the Crown on the present occasion had not expressed one solitary feeling of regret for the fallen prosperity of agriculture, and the ruin of the spirited and hardy race, whose labours had previously placed it in so flourishing a condition. The Opposition members also strongly expressed their sentiments on the movements making on the continent, and the part to be taken by England.

Lord Grey observed, that, by a question put by him to Lord Liverpool, it turned out that we had no accredited minister at Naples, a circumstance which he then regarded as ominous to our peace, since we were nevertheless on terms with that Holy Alliance which assumed the right of adjusting the differences of independent states. He hoped we had observed a strict neutrality on this subject, though he could not help stating, that when the powers now assembled

at Laybach had summoned the King of Naples to answer to a self-constituted tribunal, for having thought proper to give liberty to his subjects, he was filled with surprise and indignation. If, therefore, we were not passive spectators of these scenes, we might have resisted the rivetting of those chains of misgovernment which menaced the happiness of other states, by the extension of misrule on every side. It was desirable to be informed of the probable effect of an Austrian army in advance on the frontier of Naples, while an English squadron was stationed in the Bay, making us appear the supporters of an odious system, in helping to maintain the suppression of liberty in foreign parts.

Upon this subject Lord Holland dwelt with peculiar emphasis. He could not see what matter there was for congratulation-what cause the people of England had to exult, because their Monarch was not called before the Congress of Laybach. Ministers had plunged this country into wars-they had burdened it with taxes-and now, while they were taking credit for having delivered Europe, the great powers of Europe, enriched by our losses, aggrandized by the possession of territories to which they had no right, were proceeding to further outrages, while we must be content with saying, we shall feel regret if you go to war, and this shall be the amount of our remonstrance. The noble Lord had amused the House with a set of abstract opinions as to interference in the government of other nations, when it would be right, and when it would not be right; but what they wanted to hear was, whether he approves, ay or no, of the principles adopted by his pretended allies, who are bound by treaty to communicate and to consult with the government of this country. He (Lord Holland) did not think, ill as the noble lord

had conducted the affairs of this country, and almost contemptible as his counsels had made it in the eyes of Europe, still he did not think that if a proper remonstrance had been made, it would have proved unavailing. Such a remonstrance would not be an interference with the government of another country, but an effort to prevent the interference of those who intruded it. To compare small things with great, for, with all his feeling for Naples, he could not help feeling that her cause was still inferior to that of France; but still, to make the comparison, he remembered that the very same language which they heard that day, had been used when the Duke of Brunswick was on his march towards Paris. He would rather become a party to the infamous designs of those proud conspirators against liberty, than exhibit the meanness of mere regret when successful interposition was practicable. Was it too much to say, when Austria was contemplating a crusade which was likely to engage all Europe in fresh wars-was it too much to say, pay us our debts, or at least, while you refuse, do not insult us by undertaking expensive wars, from which justice and humanity should disincline you? The noble lord had taken credit to himself for being explicit upon this point; but he was only explicit in the assertion of abstract principles. He had stated that this country would not go to war, while his irresolute conduct was of all things the most likely to involve us in war. Would he state candidly and openly-this is a war of which I disapprove-it is a war in which you cannot engage without diminishing those bonds of connexion which you have hitherto boasted. That would be explicit, nay, more, it would be effectual. If Ministers were to do so, Austria would not dare to take one

step against Naples. He was sure the noble duke (Wellington) must have felt indignation and disappointment at seeing how the constitution of Spain was regarded by those powers. That constitution might have its defects, but if he were a Spaniard, he would not surrender one even of those defects, while those despots, those barbarians of the north, stood threatening with their savage hordes to force compliance.

In regard to the Queen, though this was the point on which parties were peculiarly mustering their strength, it was not much introduced. Earl Grey hoped, that the arrangement proposed would be accom panied with some conciliatory steps.

Mr Tierney thought that when the crown recommended a provision for any branch of the royal family, it was usual to state the sum required, or something near it. It was not customary for the crown to speak of pecuniary provisions under the indefinite term, arrangement. His Majesty's Ministers should have stated the sum; for it was not the business of Parliament, and never had been its practice, to make such arrangements.

Ministers were not slow in replying to these various topics of animadversion. In regard to the tenor of the addresses, and their total silence as to any approbation of the conduct of ministers, Lord Castlereagh said, it was always his opinion, that when the great bulk of the community were aroused to a sense of the dangers and difficulties which threatened them, only one voice would be heard to pervade the country for the preservation of its great interests. He knew that the sound portion of the people only wanted the opportunity of expressing their sentiments to make their voice loud enough to stifle the sound of that of the disaffected, who