Birth and reign of Theseus.

the general character of human nature. From other Athens. circumstances it appears, that the people were becoming daily more jealous of the sovereign authority, and were with difficulty kept in subjection. Theseus, being almost an elective monarch, would be under the necessity of courting them; so that it appears probable, that in enlarging their power, he merely acted with a prudent accommodation to his own situation, and the circumstances of the times.

The rest of the life of Theseus is rather personal to himself, than connected with the history of Athens. Intoxicated with prosperity, he appears, towards the end of it, to have indulged in irregularities, which lost him the confidence of the people, and drove him into exile. His immediate successors, Mnestheus and Demophon, went successively to the Trojan war, and the latter is said to have been one of those inclosed in the wooden horse.

Nothing remarkable occurs till the reign of Co- Abolition drus. This prince is immortalized by the heroic saof royalty. crifice, dictated by superstition, by which he effected the deliverance of Athens from a formidable invasion. This deliverance had, by the Delphic oracle, been attached to the condition, that the Athenian king should die by the hands of the enemy. Codrus, having insinuated himself into the hostile camp, picked a quarrel with a private soldier there, and suffered himself to be slain. The prophecy produced its own accomplishment. The enemy, disheartened and hopeless of success, retreated into their own country. The Athenians, who had long been jealous of the power of their kings, took this opportunity to abolish a title which had become odious. That of Archon A. C. 1070. was substituted.

Athens. daughters, Progne and Philomela. Under his reign is placed the arrival and deification of Ceres in Attica. Erectheus, his successor, is generally supposed to have been the son of Pandion, though others represent him as an Egyptian who, having brought a seasonable supply of corn, was, in gratitude, saluted king by the people. He reigned fifty years, and is said to have been the most powerful prince of his time. His reign is celebrated for the barbarous sacrifice of one or more of his daughters, which was demanded by the oracle as the condition of his victory over the Eleusinians. Under the next king, Cecrops II., it appears that Attica had so much increased in population and wealth, that the mode of living in habitations scattered over the country was no longer suited to it. Twelve towns were therefore built in different quarters, in which part of the naA. C. 1284. tion was settled. After the reign of his son Pandion II., which is distinguished by nothing remarkable, geus came to the throne. This prince having gone to the oracle at Delphi, to enquire the cause and remedy of some disasters which were afflicting his people, on his return had an amour with Æthra, daughter to Pittheus, who then reigned at Træzene. Of this connection the fruit was Theseus, a name which ranks next to that of Hercules, among the heroes and demigods of Greece. Egeus, on his departure, is said to have led his mistress to a sequestrated spot, where, having deposited a hunting sword and a pair of sandals, he covered them beneath a great stone, and desired her, when her child should arrive at such an age as to be able to lift that stone, to send him, with the tokens concealed under it, to Athens. The arrangement took place as appointed; and Theseus, having arrived at Athens, was recognised by his hunting knife, and owned by geus. Either by war or negociation, he then freed Åthens from the shameful tribute of seven youths and seven virgins, which had been imposed by Minos king of Crete. On the death of his father, therefore, which took place in consequence of an unfortunate mistake in the signals held out on his return, the Athenians readily saluted him king. Having already distinguished himself as a warrior, he now acquired fame as a legislator. He abolished all the independent authorities established in the twelve districts, into which Cecrops had divided Attica, and which had rendered that country little more than a collection of detached states. In return, he communicated to all, the privileges of Athenian citizens, and concentrated in Athens all the legislative and judicial authority. He instituted the festival called Panathenea, as a bond to unite the whole Athenian people. He divided the inhabitants into three classes, nobles, husbandmen, and artificers. To the former was assigned the superintendance of religious ceremonies, the administration of the laws, and the appointment of magistrates. The people received a share in the legislature he is said to have divested himself of a large portion of the regal power, retaining only the command of the army, and some share in the executive. This sacrifice is commonly celebrated as an unparalleled display of patriotism; but here we must own ourselves somewhat sceptical. That such a step should be altogether voluntary, seems hardly consistent with

The following is a chronological list of Athenian kings, and their reigns, according to Meursius.

Archons made annual.

Athens. have been transmitted to us, Medon, Acastus, Arhippus, Thersippus, Phorbas, Megacles, Diognetus, Phereclus, Ariphron, Thespicus, Agamestor, Eschylus, Alcmeon. On the death of this last, the archonship was limited to ten years, and after passing, on this footing, through six hands, a still greater change took place. The office was made annual, and was divided among nine persons, who were to be chosen by the people, but only out of the class of eupatrids, One was first in dignity, and gave his name to the year. The second, under the title of king, presided over religious rites. The polemarch, at the first institution, had the superintendance of every thing which related to war. The remaining six, called thesmothetæ, exercised the judicial power. The government became thus almost a complete aristocracy, with a mixture, as yet small, of democracy. Such a form of government was, however, peculiarly exposed to party spirit, and contentions for power; these accordingly soon began to shew themselves. The Alcmeonids, descendants of the last perpetual archon, commanding, by their birth, a superiority of respect, Cylon, a young man of distinction, indignant at this preference, seized upon the citadel, with a party of his adherents. He was obliged to fly, and his companions, in spite of an oath to the contrary, were condemned and executed; but the impiety of this action brought thenceforth an odium on the opposite party.

A. C. 624.

Laws of Draco.

Of Solon.

Faction and discord, however, continuing to rage, a desire arose to remedy them by the institution of written laws, and Draco was chosen as the lawgiver. This person, unexperienced in his office, and viewing only the violence and disorder which prevailed, sought to remedy them by a blind and indiscriminate severity. To every offence without distinction, he awarded the punishment of death, declaring, that “small faults seemed to him worthy of death, and for flagrant offences he could find no higher punishment." The atrocity of this code was soon found to render it incapable of execution; Draco lost the public favour, and died in exile.

This attempt having proved ineffectual, public disturbances continued to increase. The people acquired more and more influence in the government, and mingling themselves with the parties among the higher orders, increased the confusion. It was still exasperated by the inequality of property, and the disputes between debtors and creditors, an eternal source of discord in the ancient commonwealths. Under these circumstances, the necessity for a new legislator was felt, and all eyes were turned towards Solon. This person had already distinguished himself in a very singular manner. Salamis had revolted from the Athenians; and the people had been so dissatisfied with several unsuccessful attempts to reduce that island, that they tumultuously assembled, and passed an edict, inflicting the pain of death on any one who should propose farther measures to that effect. The nobility were highly indignant, and the people themselves became ashamed of their proceeding; but no one durst propose to retract it. In these circumstances, Solon determined to counterfeit madness; and rushing into the market-place in a fantastic attire, recited a song, in which he lamented the

disgrace of the Athenian name by the loss of Sala- Athens. mis, and urged his countrymen to efface it. The expedient prevailed; an expedition against Salamis was decreed, and Solon, being appointed commander, made himself master of the island by a skilful stratagem.

In the business of legislation, however, Solon was preceded by Epimenides, a Cretan, who was invited to Athens, where he introduced a variety of religious ceremonies, then ordinary instruments for holding the minds of men in subjection. The good effects of these, however, disappearing with himself, Solon was soon after called upon to make a radical change in the constitution of the state.

The foundation of the system which he establish- A. C. 604. ed was laid in the supreme power, both legislative, executive, and judicial, vested in the assembly of the people. By them all laws were enacted; every public measure was determined; and to them an appeal lay from all courts of justice: they appointed to all commands. After bestowing on them such powers, it was vain to attempt imposing any limitations on their authority. The supreme legislators were always able to break down any barrier which might oppose their inclinations; and as every member of the state was interested in courting their favour, there would be no want of persons to instigate them to such measures.

Solon, however, in laying down the original plant of the constitution, seems anxiously to have studied to provide a balance against that extreme power of the popular assembly, which he granted less perhaps from his own inclination, than from finding them already the predominant order, possessing both the inclination and ability to assert their claim to it. Upon the higher ranks he conferred the exclusive right to fill all offices in the state, and all commands in the army and navy. He divided the citizens into four classes, according to their wealth. The first class consisted of those who had an income of 500 medimni, or measures of corn; these paid a talent into the public treasury. The second was of those who possessed 300 measures; these kept a horse, and served in the cavalry; they were thence called Hippeis, or knights. The third, possessing 200 measures, were called Zeugites, and served in the heavy armed foot. All under this were only called upon to serve in the light armed foot, a description of force little respected among the Greeks, who sought, on every occasion, to come to close combat. Such of them, however, as chose to afford the expense, might rank with the heavy armed. A very large proportion went on board the fleet, which was chiefly manned by this order, and which became afterwards a most eligible and lucrative service.

All magistracies, and all commands in the army and navy, could be filled only by the three first orders. It does not appear that this exclusion of the lower orders, which, at Rome, formed the grand source of popular discontent, was considered as a serious grievance at Athens. These offices, from the small salary annexed to them, and from the necessity of courting and feasting the people, were extremely expensive, and could not be filled but by persons who possessed a considerable income. The

fourth class had, what was cf more value to them, an equal vote in the public assembly; in which, from the superiority of their number, they soon bore down all opposition, and became the sovereign people of Athens. They were also entitled to sit on juries, which were very numerous.

The office of archon still subsisted, and was held in high respect, but without any political importance attached to it. A certain qualification, not only of fortune, but of birth, was requisite for the attainment of this office. They were nine in number, chosen by lot. The first, and principal, was called Eponymos: He had an extensive judicial authority, to which was added the regulation of the plays and festivals. The second, who was called Basileus, or king, had the superintendance of all religious ceremonies. Originally, throughout all Greece, while the office of king subsisted, this formed part of his prerogative; and, in consequence of the dislike to innovation in religious matters, even after the office was abolished, the title was still retained for this particular purpose. The third, the Polemarch, had originally the superintendance of military affairs; but his jurisdiction was afterwards confined to strangers, and the regulation of some festivals. The remaining six were called Thesmothete: their office was judicial; and they had the charge of drawing up some reports relative to any proposed legislative changes. See ARCHON.

Besides this exclusive admission to offices, Solon employed other means of elevating the aristocracy. Of them the Athenian senate was exclusively composed. This body consisted originally of four hundred; one hundred from each of the four wards into which Athens was divided: but, when the wards were increased to ten, each of them sent fifty, which raised the number of the senate to five hundred. These members were chosen by lot. Before entering on their office, they underwent a strict examination, which extended to every part of their previous life and conduct; and a similar scrutiny took place on their leaving office, respecting the manner in which they had conducted themselves in the exercise of it. No proposal for a new law could be made to the assembly of the people, without having first passed through their hands. They were bound, however, to receive a proposal from any citizen; nor does it appear that, like the Scottish Lords of Articles, they had any power of withholding such as were disagree able to them. They met once a day, or oftener. Out of the number of four hundred, fifty were chosen, who were called prytanes, and performed, ten in the week, by turns, the office of presidents. These ten were called proedri, and chose, by lot, an epistate, or first president. From these the senate-house was called prytaneium. The senate had a considerable superintendance over different branches of administration; but, upon the whole, their political power seems not to have been great, nor do we find their name often mentioned in the course of Athenian history.

When any law had been digested in the senate, a programma, or statement of its nature, was posted up in some public situation. On the day of assembly, the epistate, or first president, came, accompanied by the rest of the prytanes, and read the decree of the senate, on which they were to deliberate. He

66

then called out, "Who above fifty chooses to speak?" Athens. When these had done, he cried, " Any one not disqualified by law might speak." The disqualifications were, the having fled from their colours, the being indebted to the public, or being convicted of some flagitious crime. The vote was given by casting beans, and afterwards pebbles, into a vessel. The assembly met four times in thirty-five days. In the first, they deliberated on the general concerns of the state, and elected magistrates; in the second, they received appeals from the different courts of justice; in the third, they gave audience to foreign ambassadors; the fourth was appropriated to the offices of religion. Besides these ordinary assemblies, however, extraordinary ones could be, and were frequently, called by the magistrates, on any pressing emergency. Another counterpoise to the preponderance of the people was provided by Solon, in the court of Areopagus, whose power had been considerably reduced by Draco, but which the present legislator restored to all its former privileges. This is the most respectable court of justice known in ancient times. It consisted of those archons who had filled their office with the greatest credit, and had stood an examination of peculiar strictness. But their high character seems especially to have arisen from the circumstance of having been the first judicial body, which was independent both of the legislative and executive powers. The members continued during life. They had also an extensive censorial power, and a large share in the management of the treasury. Pericles, with the view of courting the people, abridged very much their power, a change which was by no means advantageous to the constitution. See AREOPAGUS.

Besides regulating the political constitution of Athens, Solon established also a body of laws, which have served as the basis of all subsequent systems of legislation. He mitigated the severity of those of Draco. Like most of the ancient legislators, he entered deep into the concerns of private life. Strict sumptuary regulations were enacted. The ceremonies to be observed, and the dress to be worn, at marriages and funerals, were particularly enumerated. Industry and economy were strictly enforced. No person was allowed to remain in Athens who could not shew the manner in which he obtained his livelihood; the father who had not taught his son a trade, could not claim support from him in his old age; and he who had wasted his patrimony, was declared incapable of rising to any public honours. Ingratitude, opprobrious language, and disobedience to parents, were also subjected to punishment.

One of the most remarkable laws was that which imposed penalties on those who declined taking part in public dissensions. Solon was aware, that such dissensions must occur in a popular state; but, on these occasions, the wisest and best men are often disposed to withdraw into domestic life, and shun the public tumult. The management of the state would thus fall into the hands of the most ignorant and unprincipled. To prevent this evil, it appeared expedient to make a regulation which might draw the former class out of the retirement to which they were naturally inclined, and force them to engage in the management of public affairs.

Athens.

Having completed his system, Solon adopted a policy which seems to have been general at that time, and was also employed by Lycurgus. He left Athens, to which he did not return for the space of ten years. The experiment, however, was not fortunate; the tranquillity which he had established, seems to have been the fruit rather of his personal influence, than of the authority of his laws. On his departure, factions broke out, with all their former violence. Lycurgus was at the head of the country, or aristocratical party; Megacles, the chief of the Alcmeonids, supported the party of the principal inhabitants of the city, who were for a mixed government; Pisistratus was the leader of the purely democratical party, which consisted of the highlanders, and of the lower orders in the city. He courted popularity by every method with which a large fortune and enga ging manners could furnish him. He lavished money Pisistratus. on the necessitous, and conversed familiarly with all. Thus he silently made his advances to the sovereignty. At length, when his plans appeared ripe, he one day made his entry into the market-place, wounded, and flying, as it were, from pursuing enemies. The people being immediately assembled, one of his friends moved, that a guard should be appointed to attend him. With this he contrived to make himself master of the citadel; and it is also said, that, by a stratagem, he deprived the people of the arms which they were acA. C. 559. customed to wear. He ruled however mildly, observing all the outward forms of liberty, and enforcing the execution of Solon's laws. Solon was his intimate friend, and fully admitted his merits, but opposed, to the utmost, the establishment of his tyranny. This last account, however, though conformable to the general voice of antiquity, is not considered by Mr Mitford as resting on any very solid evidence. It would appear, indeed, that Pisistratus ruled at first more by opinion than by force; for the heads of the two opposite parties, Lycurgus and Megacles, having coalesced against him, he was obliged to leave the city. The victorious factions, however, could not agree among themselves, and Megacles called in the aid of Pisistratus, in order to expel his rival. The manner in which they accomplished their purpose, however singular it may appear to us, was not ill suited to the ideas of the age. A woman of a majestic figure was dressed in the manner of the goddess Minerva; and the report was spread, that this deity was reconducting Pisistratus to Athens. The people, who probably regretted his absence, readily acknowledged the pretended goddess, and restored him to all his former authority.

Pisistratus, in consideration of this service, had promised to marry the daughter of Megacles, which promise he performed; but conceiving himself now independent of that leader, he ceased to court his favour, and treated his wife in so contemptuous a manner, as irritated her brother in the highest degree. Megacles accordingly again connected himself with the exiled party, and was thus enabled to expel Pisistratus a second time. The latter, however, now determined to assert his claims by force. Possessing, it would appear, considerable interest in Greece, he contrived to raise an army, at the head of which he returned, beat his adversaries, and again assumed the

VOL. III. PART I.

government of the state. He used his victory, however, with the utmost moderation: He inflicted no punishment on those who submitted: He still maintained the laws and government on their ancient foundation. So strictly observant was he of the forms of the republic, that, on one occasion, he allowed himself to be tried for his life before the court of Areopagus. He seems to have done much to polish the character of the Athenians, and to introduce that ardent cultivation of the arts and sciences, which afterwards rendered their name so celebrated. He collected the poems of Homer, which before were merely repeated in scattered rhapsodies. He distinguished himself by military exploits, of which, however, no detailed account has been transmitted to us. In short, he appears to have merited the character of Solon, that, had it not been for his ambition, he would have been the best citizen of Athens. From the time of his first assuming the government till his death, thirty-three years had elapsed; but, reckoning from his ultimate and forcible seizure of the sovereignty, he reigned only seventeen.

Athens.

and Hip

parchus.

His sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, succeeded him. A. C. 526. It is not ascertained which was the eldest, but it appears that they reigned jointly. They seem to have Hippias been persons of singular accomplishments. They inherited all their father's love for the arts and sciences. Hipparchus is particularly celebrated for the excellence of his character. Simonides, Anacreon, and other poets, were his intimate friends, and constantly near his person. But the Athenians were now become weary of servitude, however mild, and were ready to grasp at any opportunity of regaining their independence. Such an opportunity soon occurred. Two friends, Harmodius and Aristogiton, conceived an enmity against Hipparchus, not originating in very honourable motives on either side. They took the opportunity of the approaching festival of the Panathenea to assassinate him, expecting that the people, who were then allowed to appear armed, would espouse their cause. This hope was disappointed: Harmodius was dispatched on the spot, and Aristogiton seized. The action of these two persons seems to have been prompted by private, and not the most honourable motives; yet such was the passion of the Athenians for liberty, that their names have been, as it were, canonized, and transmitted to posterity as the most perfect models of friendship and patriotism.

Aristogiton, on being apprehended, was immediately put to the torture. His conduct on this occasion is remarkable: Instead of betraying his real accomplices, he named the best friends of Hippias. It is said, that, after going over several, and being asked if there were any more, he replied, "I know of yourself only now, that deserves to suffer death."

Hippias, from this moment, became really a tyrant. The dread of sharing the fate of his brother tormented him with continual suspicion. Many of the principal men were put to death, and the Athenians, to whom the tyranny before had begun to be burdensome, beheld it now with the utmost detestation: Meanwhile the Alcmeonids, who, with their leader Megacles, had been expeiled at the last usurpation of Pisistratus, were straining every nerve to effect a re

C

dable army towards Attica. At the same time the Athens. Baotians prepared to invade it from a different quarter, seconded by the Chalcidians, a people of Euboea. The Athenians, at this critical juncture, displayed all that promptitude and energy, of which they afterwards gave so many signal examples. Not having forces to engage so many enemies at once, they marched first with their whole army against the Lacedemonians, leaving, for the time, Attica at the mercy of the Boeotians and Chalcidians. In this first undertaking, they prevailed without the hazard of a battle. The Corinthians, either affected with scruples as to the justice of the cause, or intimidated by the great force opposed to them, broke up, and returned home. Their example was followed by the rest of the allies; even the colleague of Cleomenes opposed the prosecution of the undertaking; so that he found himself under the mortifying necessity of returning home with the Spartan troops.

turn into their native country. Being possessed of very considerable wealth, they rebuilt the temple of Delphi, which had been accidentally burnt; and they executed this work in a manner which rendered the edifice more splendid than ever. This was a service generally acceptable to Greece; and they contrived, in another way, to render it still more subservient to their interests. They gained the priestess, who, whenever consulted by the Lacedemonians, ceased not urging them to restore the liberty of Athens. The Lacedemonians, dreading the resentment of the deity, with which they were threatened, and not unwilling, perhaps, to avail themselves of this opportunity of extending their influence, at last determined to obey the oracle. They sent an army by sea into Attica; but Hippias, with the aid of his Thessalian auxiliaries, routed and drove them back to their ships. The Lacedemonians, however, were not discouraged, but determined on extraordinary exertions to wipe off this disgrace. Next year they sent by land a larger army, under their king Cleomenes. The Thessalians were routed, and Hippias constrained to take refuge within the walls of the city. Here, however, he might have successfully resisted, had not his children accidentally fallen into the hands of the enemy. To redeem them, he consented to abdicate the tyranny.

Athens was then reinstated in the liberty of which she was so ambitious. Faction, the usual consequence, soon followed. Clisthenes, now the leader of the Alcmeonids, was at the head of the one; Isagoras, son of Tirsander, of the other. These two parties were the same which, from this time, divided all the Grecian states; the aristocratical and the popular. To the former Isagoras attached himself, while Clisthenes sought to rise by paying court to the people. The popular party was henceforth destined to rule in Athens; and Clisthenes, through them, soon acquired a decisive superiority. Isagoras, finding himself unequal to contend with his rival, applied for aid to the Lacedemonians. That people, in consequence of having expelled the Pisistratida, conceived themselves to have a right to interfere in the internal concerns of Athens: Cleomenes accordingly set out with an army, and sent before him an order to banish Clisthenes out of the republic. The Athenians, not yet aware of their own strength, complied. Cleomenes, however, soon shewed, that this was not the only object he had in view. He advanced to Athens, and conducted himself there in the most arbitrary manner, banishing seven hundred families, and seeking to vest the whole authority in 300 of the partizans of Isagoras. This was too much for the Athenians; they instantly took up arms, drove out Cleomenes and the partizans of Isagoras, constrained them to take refuge in the citadel, and kept them there closely blockaded. Cleomenes now found himself so hard pressed, that he consented to surrender the citadel, and evacuate Attica. Clisthenes was then recalled, and all the power again centered in the people.

Cleomenes, meanwhile, spared no exertion to assemble an army, which might repair his disgrace. To the Spartan troops he united those of the Corinthians, and other allies, and marched with a formi

The Athenians lost no time in improving this success to crush their other enemies. The Chalcidians appear to have been on the point of forming a junction with the Baotians, and had advanced, with that view, to the other side of the narrow channel of the Euripus, which separates Euboea from the continent. The Athenian army, however, advanced with such expedition, that before the junction could be effected, they attacked and routed the Boeotians; then immediately crossing the Euripus, engaged, and on the very same day completely defeated the Chalcidians. After this double victory, they returned in triumph to Athens.

About this time, the Athenians were engaged in a long war with the inhabitants of Ægina, not productive of any memorable events, but important as having first turned their attention to the formation of a maritime force. See ÆGINA

Persia.

These petty contests, however, were soon lost in A. Č. 500. another of far greater magnitude, which was destined to raise Athens to the summit of glory. The Ionians were the most flourishing of the Grecian colonies in Asia Minor. Like the others, they had originally enjoyed liberty, but had sunk under the overwhelming might of the Persian empire, and been compelled to acknowledge its supremacy. They bore the yoke, however, with impatience; and being excited by their chiefs, Histiæus and Aristagoras, they took up arms, and engaged in war with Persia. Sensible, however, War with that they could not alone resist the force of so mighty an empire, they looked for aid to the states of their mother country. They applied first to Lacedemon, then considered as the leading city of Greece; but that cautious government declined interfering in so arduous an undertaking. Their ambassadors then proceeded to Athens, which, since its recent exploits, had taken a prominent station among the powers of Greece. That people, always enterprising, and ready, without weighing consequences, to embark in any promising scheme, agreed to give their assistance, and sent 20 gallies, with troops on board, which were joined by five from Eretria, a town of Euboea. On their arrival at Miletus, it was proposed to them to engage in an expedition to plunder Sardis, the wealthy capital of Lydia. In this enterprise they embarked with eagerness; the confederates, by a rapid march, found Sardis unprepared, and immediately proceeded